Reports say that Patrick has already sent his budget proposal to the printer, so we can expect drips and drabs to be strategically revealed between now and its unveiling around January 26. With revenue growth pegged at a relatively low 3.8 percent, the structural deficit is expected to be more than $1 billion. Patrick’s team has already leaked plans to save money by asking some state workers to contribute more of their health-care costs. The big unknown is whether the governor has the chutzpah to include casino-licensing fees — as much as $800 million worth — in his budget, guaranteeing a fight with House Speaker Sal DiMasi.
With the gears likely to grind to a near-halt over the budget, Patrick has been working to close the books on several big projects.
One is reform of the Criminal Offender Record Information (CORI) laws and regulations, a key goal of Patrick’s and many liberals’ in the legislature. They have long argued that the state’s system makes it too difficult for past offenders to get jobs and housing, inevitably leading them back to a life of crime.
Patrick finally filed his legislation this past week, along with an executive order that seeks to enact some of the changes right away.
The governor also announced his long-anticipated plan to create an Executive Office of Education, which would include a secretary-of-education position. The reorganization, which the legislature must now vote on, would consolidate programs and also increase the governor’s power over the various education boards.
But perhaps the biggest bang to come out of the State House is the continued progress of the energy bill, which passed the State Senate this past week. It is an aggressive set of provisions aimed at electric and gas utilities, building owners, renewable-energy developers, new-home buyers, and others.
Environment Massachusetts called the final bill “among the strongest new energy policies in the country.” Massachusetts Climate Coalition called it “groundbreaking.”
All that’s left — and it’s no small matter — is working out a compromise between the Senate’s heavily amended version, and the version passed earlier by the house.
In this and other matters, the Senate, led by Therese Murray, seems to be more in concert with Patrick than the DiMasi-led house.
The original energy bill passed by the house was DiMasi’s baby. His willingness to accept the Senate’s changes will determine how quickly the bill becomes law. The lobbying activity, particularly from the Patrick administration, shows how badly everyone wants to chalk up a “Together We Can”–style victory before the budget sends everyone back to their corners of the ring.
